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Egypt as an EU Strategic Partner
On March 17, 2024, senior European Union officials, led by the President of the European Commission, met with the President of Egypt to formalise the upgrade of EU–Egypt relations into a strategic partnership.[1] The agreement includes a support package totalling €7.4 billion, consisting of €5 billion in financial assistance through short-term loans. Egypt received the first tranche of €1 billion on December 2, 2024. The package also includes €1.8 billion in additional investment support under the European Fund for Sustainable Development Plus,[2] along with €600 million in grants through mechanisms such as the Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument,[3] of which €200 million is earmarked for migration-related priorities.
On December 11 2024, the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs published a statement via its official Facebook page announcing the organization of three technical workshops with a European Union delegation focused on migration cooperation.[4] According to the statement, the Egyptian side presented its migration policy priorities and submitted proposals for enhanced collaboration. On April 1, 2025, the European Parliament approved the second €4 billion tranche of the financial package. On May 19, 2025, the Council and the European Parliament provisionally agreed on the €4 billion tranche of macro-financial assistance.[5]
Egypt as a Key Regional Partner in Migration Management and Border Security
While the European Union acknowledges the role Egypt plays in curbing migration in the region, its designation of Egypt as a “strategic partner” reflects not a sudden shift but the culmination of a long-standing and evolving relationship. This partnership is shaped by reports submitted by the Egyptian authorities detailing their efforts in areas such as “migration governance and border control,” as well as cooperation in “combating organized and transnational crime,” particularly in relation to anti-smuggling operations. However, human rights considerations have not been placed at the core of this cooperation. The partnership lacks transparent mechanisms to assess its impact on the rights of Egyptians, migrants, and refugees within Egypt.
Amid ongoing regional geopolitical instability, the EU has increasingly turned to externalised migration control measures as a key policy approach, often referred to as “external solutions” or “border externalisation”. Egypt, due to its strategic position on the regional migration and mobility map, has received extensive financial and political support from the EU and its member states to strengthen law enforcement capacities. This includes cooperation frameworks initiated under the “Khartoum Process” (also known as the EU Horn of Africa Migration Route Initiative),[6] with Egypt set to host its second edition in April 2025.[7]
In June 2022, Egypt signed a support agreement with the European Union to strengthen the Egyptian Coast Guard, including €80 million in funding for maritime surveillance and the purchase of three rescue vessels. With support from the EU through CIVIPOL and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the agreement aims to curb irregular departures across the Mediterranean.[8] The initiative involves the Egyptian Ministry of Defense and undisclosed security bodies. In October 2024, an Egyptian delegation visited the headquarters of Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, in Brussels to discuss enhanced security cooperation in the field of border management and migration.
In November 2024, the Egyptian Ministry of Defense received €20 million through the European Peace Facility,[9] a program widely criticized by human rights organizations for its lack of transparency and absence of safeguards for human rights.
In parallel, EU member states have provided support to Egyptian security forces and military entities through both direct and indirect channels. This includes direct cooperation such as the covert Egyptian-French operation “Sirli,” which reportedly resulted in civilian casualties and remains uninvestigated.[10] It also includes indirect initiatives like the Italian Police Project (ITEPA), which involves training African police officers at the Egyptian Police Academy in methods to combat irregular migration.[11] The first phase of ITEPA began in 2018, with its second phase launched in 2024 and currently ongoing.[12]
In Cairo, the European Commissioner for Migration announced the launch of negotiations on security cooperation between Europol and the Egyptian police. This announcement has raised concerns among civil society and human rights actors regarding the protection of the rights of Egyptians and people on the move, particularly in relation to data sharing and the use of biometric information.[13] To date, Egyptian authorities have shown limited engagement with these negotiations.
The scope and development of these agreements underscore Egypt’s emergence as a key actor in the European Union’s external migration policy.[14] Egypt derives financial and political benefit from cooperation in the areas of border security and law enforcement, including through strategic partnerships with EU member states. It is also positioned as a stakeholder in anti-smuggling initiatives,[15] security sector capacity-building,[16] and so-called “legal migration support”[17] projects targeting North Africa.[18] At the same time, human rights organizations continue to document violations against refugees and migrants within Egypt. Although the EU frames these policies as part of its migration control strategy, human rights organizations raise serious questions about the EU’s commitment to its stated human rights principles, especially given the consistent failure of securitized approaches to effectively reduce irregular migration flows despite significant investment.
The Influence of European Funding on Egypt’s Migration and Asylum Policies
Since 2014, amid growing Egyptian–European cooperation on border control and migration governance, Egyptian authorities have increasingly adopted a militarized and criminalized approach to managing migration flows. Presidential Decree No. 444 of 2014 designated border and adjacent areas as military zones, prohibiting civilian presence without exception.[19] The decree made no provisions for the protection of asylum seekers or individuals displaced by humanitarian crises, nor did it mandate search and rescue operations or the establishment of reception and asylum registration centers at border entry points.
Law No. 82 of 2016 further entrenched a punitive framework, focusing on criminalization without introducing safeguards for individuals in need of international protection, such as refugees and asylum seekers. Although the law formally exempts smuggled migrants from criminal liability, in practice, both Egyptian and non-Egyptian migrants have faced arbitrary detention, prosecution, and deportation without due process.
European policy documents indicate that, since February 2021, the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) has been implementing a roadmap for Egypt that includes technical support for drafting national asylum legislation.[20] One EUAA staff member has been stationed in Cairo since then, and the agency’s planning for the next three years suggests the deployment of three additional staff members to Egypt[21].
Since 2021, Egypt has accelerated legislative reforms related to migration and border security. Decision No. 420 of 2021 amended the earlier Presidential Decree No. 444 of 2014, expanding the scope of border militarization.[22] Law No. 22 of 2022 amended[23] Law No. 82 of 2016 on Combating Migration,[24] and Cabinet Resolution No. 369 of 2023 established the Fund for the Protection of Victims, Whistleblowers, and Witnesses.[25] These legal developments have further institutionalized a securitized approach, without addressing long-standing legislative gaps or inconsistencies. As a result, rights violations at borders and within urban areas have escalated, disproportionately affecting migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees.
On June 7, 2023, the Egyptian Cabinet issued Resolution No. 243 of 2023, announcing a proposed law on the status of foreign nationals seeking asylum in Egypt.[26] This move came alongside Cabinet Resolution No. 3326 of 2023, which addressed what the Egyptian authorities described as the “legalization of the presence of foreigners in Egypt.” Under this resolution, individuals without valid residency permits were required to regularize their status within a set period by paying a fee of USD 1,000 to the Ministry of Interior’s immigration authorities. Human rights organizations criticized the measure as both unlawful and ineffective.[27]
On October 22, 2024, the Egyptian Parliament’s Defense and National Security Committee unexpectedly announced its approval of the draft asylum law submitted by the government.[28] A committee member informed the press that the bill was approved on the same day it was received,[29] despite formal objections from human rights organizations.[30] The bill was subsequently introduced to Parliament and passed within days, without meaningful debate or consultation. This occurred despite repeated warnings from civil society and legal experts that the legislation violated Egypt’s international legal obligations related to refugee protection.[31]
The Impact of European Funding on the Conditions of People on the Move, Both Egyptian and Non-Egyptian
Resolution No. 444 of 2014 and its amendments embody a legislative flaw that renders individuals present in border areas, whether for migration purposes or any other reason, subject to criminal prosecution under military law.[32] This development took place after the Khartoum Process agreement[33] was signed between the European Union and Egypt. Between 2016 and 2021, while European support for the Coast Guard and Border Guard continued, Egypt reported that more than 100,000 individuals of various nationalities were detained by its military forces at border crossings. A European document notes that Egyptian authorities reported detaining more than 27,000 migrants at the Libyan border alone, as they attempted to exit Egypt.[34] At the same time, funding to support and strengthen the capabilities of the Egyptian Coast Guard and Border Guard did not include any risk assessment of these operations. Detainees have faced detention, military trials, and forced deportation by military border authorities without the opportunity to apply for asylum. UNHCR has not been granted access to these detention facilities or permitted to register asylum applications from individuals seeking international protection.
At the same time, while the European Commission was fast-tracking negotiations from late 2023 through March 2024 to conclude a series of external partnership agreements across the Mediterranean, with Egypt set as the largest, the Egyptian authorities were forcibly returning thousands of Sudanese refugees to Sudan. These returns followed detention in undisclosed locations and the denial of access to asylum procedures after changes to border transit policies.[35]
In 2023, the EU allocated €5 million in funding to support the most vulnerable refugees and asylum seekers in Egypt,[36] followed by an additional €20 million designated for the reception of Sudanese nationals displaced by the conflict.[37] While the armed conflict in Sudan was devastating the country and triggering what has been described as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, the EU was focused[38] on responding to the conflict’s implications for irregular migration flows in the region and toward the Mediterranean.[39]
Simultaneously, additional partnership agreements and funding were directed toward strengthening the capacity of Egyptian border forces.[40] These same forces have been accused of committing serious human rights violations, including enforced disappearance, torture, arbitrary detention, and the forced return of refugees.[41] And as the Egyptian authorities exploited the movement of Palestinians into Egypt, denying them residency permits and access to services,[42] they were receiving €5 million from the EU for the reception of injured and wounded individuals.[43]
Refugees in Egypt face an increasingly precarious situation. On one hand, the borders are tightly sealed. On the other, refugees and asylum seekers experience severe restrictions on their movement and residence. This environment may compel some to pursue alternative irregular migration routes, exposing them to greater risks, rather than leading them toward sustainable, rights-based migration solutions.
[1] Joint Declaration on the Strategic and Comprehensive Partnership between The Arab Republic Of Egypt and the European Union, March 2024, available here
[2] European Fund for Sustainable Development Plus, available here
[3] The Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument, available here
[4] Egypt’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Immigration. Official statement, December 2024, available here
[5] Council of the EU (19 May 2025) Press release ‘Egypt: Council and European Parliament secure agreement on macro-financial assistance’ available here
[6] Forced Migration Review, ‘The Khartoum Process and human trafficking’, available here
[7] Khartoum Process, ‘Steering Committee Meeting and Senior Officials’ Meeting in Egypt’, April 2024, available here
[8] State Watch: Coordination Group on Migration, ‘Strengthening the operational capacity of the Egyptian Navy and Border Guards in managing migration flows and provide Search and Rescue at sea,’ October 2024, available here
[9] Council Decision (CFSP) 2024/2843 on an assistance measure under the European Peace Facility to support the Egyptian Armed Forces, November 2024, available here
[10] Disclose, ‘Operation Sirli : France’s complicity in state crimes in Egypt’, available here
[11] Italian Interior Ministry, Project ITEPA: International Training at the Egyptian Police Academy, available here
[12] Egyptian Interior Ministry, updates on ITEPA, April 2024, available here
[13] The Refugees Platform in Egypt, ‘Civil society concerns over Europol-Egypt cooperation agreements in International Advocacy Program, Parliament & the European Union’, January 2025, available here
[14] European Council meeting conclusions, March 2024, available here
[15] State Watch: Coordination Group on Migration, ‘Enhancing international police cooperation against migrant smuggling and trafficking in human beings in North Africa’, October 2024, available here
[16] State Watch: Coordination Group on Migration, ‘Support to Cross-Border Cooperation and Integrated Border Management in North Africa’, October 2024, available here
[17] State Watch: Coordination Group on Migration, ‘EU support to legal migration, mobility and skills partnerships with North ofAfrican countries’, October 2024, available here
[18] Council of the European Union, ‘The current situation in Sudan and its impact on the region’, July 2024, available here
[19] Presidential Decree No 444 of 2014, available here (AR)
[20] Council of the EU, Discussion Paper (6135/22) from 18 February 2022, available here.
[21] EUAA Single Programming Document 2026-2028 Draft. Endorsed on 28 November 2024.
[22] Presidential Decree No. 420 of 2021 amending Decree No. 444 of 2014, available here
[23] The Refugees Platform in Egypt, Position paper on Parliament’s approval of the amendments to Law No. 82 of 2016, Refugees Platform in Egypt, 18 March 2022, available here
[24] Law No. 22 of 2022 amending certain provisions of Law No. 82 of 2016 on Combating Migration and Smuggling of Migrants, available here
[25] The Refugees Platform in Egypt, ‘Legal analysis paper on Cabinet Resolution No. 369 of 2023 establishing the Fund for the Protection of Victims, Whistleblowers, and Witnesses’, available here
[26] The Refugees Platform in Egypt, ‘A Position Paper on Cabinet Decree No. 243 of 2023’, available here
[27] The Refugees Platform in Egypt, ‘Comments on Cabinet Resolution No. 3326 of 2023’, available here
[28] Press statement by the Ministry of Parliamentary and Legal Affairs and Political Communication, available here
[29] Mada Masr, ‘Egypt’s 1st bill on asylum-seekers to balance rights against ‘stability of Egyptian society’, November 2024, available here
[30] 22 NGOS in a Joint Statement: Grave risks posed by the passing of proposed Asylum Bill, available here
[31] The Refugees platform in Egypt and the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights: ‘Asylum Law Needs Real Societal Discussion’, November 2024, available here
[32] Press Release For Egypt’s Joint UPR Report: ‘Refugees and Asylum Seekers Rights in Egypt: 2019-2024’, available here
[33] Khartoum Process Agreement, available here
[34] State Watch: Coordination Group on Migration, ‘Strengthening the operational capacity of the Egyptian Navy and Border Guards in managing migration flows and provide Search and Rescue at sea,’ October 2024, available here
[35] The Refugees Platform in Egypt, ‘From Sudan to Egypt: Egyptian Decisions Spark High-Risk Irregular Migration Movement’, March 2024, available here
[36] European Commision | Egypt (country profile), available here
[37] EU External Action: ‘Press remarks by High Representative/Vice-President Josep Borrell after meeting with Minister of Foreign Affairs Sameh Shoukry’, June 2023, available here
[38] State Watch, ‘Ignoring the root causes of disaster: the EU and Sudan’, October 2024, available here
[39] Council of the European Union, ‘The current situation in Sudan and its impact on the region’, July 2024, available here
[40] Coordination Group on Migration, Eleventh Meeting Agenda, July 2024, available here
[41] Investigation: Inside Egypt’s secret system for detaining and deporting thousands of Sudanese refugees, the Refugees Platform in Egypt and The New Humanitarian, April 2024, available here
[42] The Refugees Platform in Egypt: “Where Do They Go?” A Year of Siege, Denial of Rights, and Criminalization of Solidarity, November 2024, available here
[43] EU External Action: ‘Press remarks by High Representative/Vice-President Josep Borrell after meeting with Minister of Foreign Affairs Sameh Shoukry’, June 2023, available here