As elaborated in the section on Types of Accommodation, the only Reception and Accommodation Centre is in Yozgat and has a modest capacity of 100 places. Little is known by civil society about the conditions in the centre. According to latest TIHEK report, overall, the physical conditions in the centre is fine and the centre works under capacity.[1]
While the current capacity of Reception and Accommodation Centre is extremely limited as compared to the size of the population seeking international protection in Türkiye, Article 95 LFIP and the Regulation on the Establishment of Reception and Accommodation Centres and Removal Centres (“Removal Centres Regulation”), dated 22 April 2014 lay down the parameters for the operation and organisational structure of these facilities and Removal Centres.
“Persons with special needs” shall have priority access to free accommodation and other reception services provided in these facilities.[2]Reception services provided in the reception and accommodation centres may also be extended to international protection applicants and status holders residing outside the centres,[3] although in practice because of the dispersal policy, only applicants registered and residing in the same province as the centre would be able to access any such services.
However, Article 4 of the Removal Centres Regulation provides that a list of 9 general principles must be observed in all functioning and provision in the Centres, including prioritisation of persons with special needs, best interest of the child, confidentiality of personal data, due notification of residents and detainees on the nature and consequences of all proceedings they undergo, respect for right to religious affiliations and worship and non-discrimination.
Currently, almost all international protection applicants pay for private accommodation in their assigned provinces out of their own resources. Access to housing remains deeply challenging due to a range of factors, including high rental prices and advance payment requirements from owners. Rent prices are very high, resulting in two or three families living together in one place to be able to afford rent, sometimes deposits are not paid back when the tenancy contract ends, and there are also some discriminative practices. As a result, a large number of applicants, likely temporary protection beneficiaries (see Temporary Protection: Housing) remain exposed to destitution and homelessness, or accommodation in substandard makeshift camps.
The economic downturn increased living expenses, including rental fees. This had a larger effect on refugees because of their vulnerability. According to NGOs, they often provided advice to refugees regarding the state law regulating rent for new tenants, in which the rental increase limit is 25% and the property owner cannot file a lawsuit based on the rejection of a rent increase exceeding 25%.[4] However, in practice, rent increases are much higher than this legal limit. Property owners sometimes threaten refugee tenants with filing a complaint against them if they disagree with a rent increase or refuse to leave the house. The refugees’ fear of deportation makes them especially vulnerable to these threats.[5].
Another obstacle affecting applicants’ accommodation stems from marginalisation from local communities or other refugee populations, whereby people are forced to live in districts far from the city centre, hospitals, education centres and public buildings. Although the types of challenges vary depending on the province and the profile of the applicant, the most common problems of finding a suitable place to live are decreased possibilities due to the closed neighbourhoods, reluctance of homeowners to rent their houses to refugees due to increased anti-migrant discourse and discrimination, high rent prices, unrealistic payment conditions (such as paying an annual rent), and poor housing conditions[6]. For instance, due to pervasive racism, applicants of African descent appear to be more discriminated when searching for accommodation. They primarily reside in shared residences.[7] In İstanbul, an increasing number of Afghans have settled in Küçüksu and Yenimahalle[8] and Zeytinburnu.[9] In Adana and Mersin, they mostly live in rural areas under precarious conditions together with Syrians.[10] (see Content of Temporary Protection Housing).
Recent research[11] conducted in the distincts of Istanbul where high numbers of migrants, especially asylum seekers and refugees, reside shows that three key factors support the spatial segregation of vulnerable migrant groups are the availability of affordable housing, effective migrant networks, and opportunities for informal employment. The visible presence of large groups of migrants in public spaces has caused unease among citizens, highlighting the tensions related to urban inequalities and the sharing of public resources. Recent enforcement measures, such as mobile migration points, have led to a shift in the presence of migrants in Istanbul, resulting in their increased invisibility rather than a real numerical decline[12].
According to research[13] focusing on non-Syrian refugees/migrants, following the earthquake, accessing affordable housing became significantly more difficult for 22% of respondents, with Iranian respondents being the most affected at 53%. This issue was particularly mentioned in Ankara, where the majority of those facing housing challenges resided. Key factors contributing to these difficulties included forced evictions and rising rental costs, both exacerbated by increasing inflation. The most pressing needs identified were cash assistance, legal aid, resettlement help, job access, and psychological support. Additionally, there was a notable increase in the need for medical aid and safe spaces for vulnerable groups, especially among Afghan respondents. The increased tensions with the host community complicate access to housing and livelihoods.
[1] Human Rights and Equality Commission of Türkiye, ‘Visit to Yozgat Reception and Accommodation Centre’, 15 June 2022, available here.
[2] Article 95(3) LFIP.
[3] Article 95(4) LFIP.
[4] Information provided by a stakeholder, April 2023.
[5] Information shared by stakeholder, March – April 2024.
[6] Information shared by stakeholders, March- April 2024.
[7] Burgün, ‘Esenyurt’u ‘yurt’ edinen göçmenlerin öyküsü: Kimsesizler mezarlığına gömülmek istemiyoruz’, 27 July 2022, available in Turkish here.
[8] Information provided by a stakeholder, May 2023.
[9] Information provided by a stakeholder, May 2023.
[10] Information provided by a stakeholder, May 2023.
[11] GAR, İstanbul İlçelerinde Kent ve Göç İlişkileri, Rapor no: 9, Nisan (April) 2024.
[12] Information provided by stakeholders, March – April 2024.
[13] Mixed Migration Centre (2023) Türkiye Syria earthquake’s impact on Afghan, Iranian, Iraqi and Somali refugees in Türkiye. Available here.