Temporary Accommodation Centres
The TPR does not provide a right to government-provided shelter as such for temporary protection beneficiaries. However, Article 37(1) TPR, as amended in 2018, authorises PMM to build camps to accommodate temporary protection beneficiaries.[1] These camps are officially referred to as Temporary Accommodation Centres.[2] A further amendment to the LFIP in 2018 sets out provisions on the financing of camps set up by PMM.[3]
Articles 23 and 24 TPR authorise PMM to determine whether a temporary protection beneficiary shall be referred to one of the existing camps or allowed to reside outside the camps on their own means in a province determined by the Ministry of Interior Affairs. Amended Article 24 TPR authorises PMM to allow temporary protection beneficiaries to reside outside the camp in provinces to be determined by the Ministry of Interior Affairs.[4] It also commits that out of temporary protection beneficiaries living outside the camps, those who are in financial need may be accommodated in other facilities identified by the Governorate.
As of 2024, nine large-scale camps are accommodating a total of 59,796 temporary protection beneficiaries, spread across five provinces in Southern Türkiye (Hatay, Kahramanmaraş, Adana, Malatya, Osmaniye and Şanlıurfa) in the larger Syria border region.[5] In 2024, camp-specific figures were not published; however, according to IOM, the number of Syrians residing in camps decreased by 4,085 between December 2023 and March 2024.
The policy applied by the Turkish government to new arrivals from Syria changed as of 6 June 2022; since then, a protection seeker can be referred to a temporary accommodation center for registration, or registered by PDMM if it falls under one of the following categories:
- If the applicant has a family member who is already registered under temporary protection and not obliged to stay at Temporary Accommodation Centres. This category would include the spouses with civil marriage, new-born babies, underage children and dependents of the individuals who are already registered under temporary protection and not obliged to stay at Temporary Accommodation Centres.
- If the applicant has travel restrictions due to medical conditions, and if the applicant has no self-care ability,
- If the applicant has a family member (spouses who can furnish a civil marriage certificate, children, dependents) of Turkish nationals and foreign nationals holding residence permit, work permit or registered under international protection,
- If the applicant is deemed not suitable to be accommodated in Temporary Accommodation Centres due to a specific need, and their spouses, children and dependents.
If the applicant has any substantiating document of the above-mentioned situations, they should provide the PDMM with the relevant supportive documents. The applicant is registered at the Temporary Accommodation Centres if they do not fall under these categories. At the Temporary Accommodation Center that they are referred to, the applicant is fingerprinted, and a security check is conducted. The applicant is required to stay at the Temporary Accommodation Centre during the procedure. The applicant is issued the Temporary Protection Identification Card after the security check. If the applicant cannot pass the security check, they are interviewed by the PDMM prior to any other action. PDMM issues a decision on an individual basis if the applicant is assessed to be excluded from temporary protection.[6]
By the end of 2023 less than 2% of Syrians lived in camps: Adana (Sarıçam), Hatay (Apaydın, Yayladağı, Altınözü), Kahramanmaraş (Merkez), Kilis (Elbeyli), Osmaniye (Cevdetiye), Gazinatep (Nizip), Malatya (Beydağı) and Şanlıurfa (Harran).[7] In 2024, the numbers were not publicly shared. In 2024, PMM stated their intent to change the function of TACs in multiple documents. While the aim is not explicitly stated, some stakeholders noted that only individuals with special needs will be accommodated in designated centres, while other TACs will be used for Syrians who are unregistered or who fail to fulfil their obligations.[8]
Urban and rural areas
The vast majority of the current population subject to Türkiye’s temporary protection regime reside outside the camps in residential areas across Türkiye. As of the end of 2024, the total population of temporary protection beneficiaries registered with Turkish authorities was listed as 2,901,478, as of 2905.2025, the number decreased to 2,710,476.[9]
More than half of the Syrians were registered in 5 out of the 81 Turkish provinces hosting the highest number of Syrians (İstanbul, Gaziantep, Şanlıurfa, Hatay and Mersin). While İstanbul hosts the largest number of registered temporary protection beneficiaries with 470,935, this only corresponds to 2.91% of its population. Conversely, temporary protection beneficiaries correspond to 14.74% of the population in Gaziantep, 9.55% in Şanlıurfa, 10.80 % in Hatay and in 8.05% in Mersin. In Kilis, 1 out of every 4 people are Syrians.[10]
Syrian nationals are barred from owning property in Türkiye because of a reciprocal ban that Syria implemented after Hatay issue since 1930.[11] Refugees rent houses or live in blighted neighbourhoods. Many face harsh living conditions and lack healthy housing. Poor economic conditions lead to cramped, unhealthy apartments, affecting their health. The level of inclusion and quality of accommodation of temporary protection beneficiaries varies from one province to another. Syrian refugees in Türkiye face housing discrimination through selective overpricing, ethnic filtering, and arbitrary interrogations, driven by anti-refugee sentiment[12]. To navigate these challenges, Syrians often rely on local community members, Syrian mediators, and Syrian-only segregated settlements[13]. After 2021, the rising cost of living in urban areas has had a devastating impact on refugees and deteriorated their living conditions.[14] Between 2019 and 2023, rental prices in Türkiye surged by 583% nationwide, with an average increase of 697% in metropolitan cities. The highest rental hike occurred in Antalya at 1,109%, followed by Mersin at 963%, Muğla at 935%, Ankara at 833%, and Istanbul at 713%,[15] amid inflation-driven rent increases disproportionately affecting the most vulnerable groups, including refugees. In 2024, rental prices remained a significant issue.[16] Although there were two opposing views[17] on how returns might affect housing costs, by June 2025—given that only 250,064 Syrians had returned—no noticeable impact on rental prices had been observed. Disputes between property owners and Syrian tenants have increased. Syrians feared being deported if they filed a lawsuit against an unlawful rent increase[18]. Frequently, property owners file complaints against Syrian tenants in an effort to evict them and re-rent the property at a higher price. This may result in the deportation of some Syrian nationals.[19] Additionally, CIMER-related complaints about Syrians increased. Particularly, property owners lodge complaints against Syrians to have them deported when they oppose unlawful requests for rent increases.[20]
The closure of certain neighbourhoods to residency has significantly reduced housing opportunities for Syrians in both urban and rural areas. Only a small number of Syrians in urban areas can move to middle-class neighbourhoods that are still open to residency.[21] Before these closures, their relocation options were already limited to specific neighbourhoods, but now they can only move within the same neighbourhood. This restriction also means that even if their financial situation improves, they cannot move to a better home in another Syrian-populated neighbourhood, forcing them to remain in poor living conditions[22]. Address verification started at the end of 2021 and continued in 2024. In case a person was not at home during the address verification visits, their IDs would be inactivated; in some cases they might not be aware of the situation, which makes them vulnerable if they encounter any ID control at the street. Due to the increased anti-migrant sentiment, often targeting Syrians, Syrians prefer to be less visible in the urban areas.[23] In 2024, some stakeholders reported that even when individuals stayed at home to await police verification visits, they were marked as absent without any doorbell being heard, resulting in the deactivation of their ID cards[24]. This problem emerged after the Kayseri incidents, when Syrians became hesitant to leave their homes. A stakeholder reported that in Adana, shortly after these events, a mother and her son—both residing together—experienced different treatment: one’s ID was deactivated while the other’s remained active, despite no police visits to their residence.[25] (See: Exclusion and cancellation of temporary protection).
A study on Syrians seasonal agricultural workers, conducted by FAO[26], displays that majority of them live in makeshift tents, where they have challenged on accessing safe drinking water, hygiene and sanitation, particularly affecting women and children. However, there are examples with adequate infrastructure. Stakeholders mentioned that in 2024, problems arose concerning agricultural workers, as some tent settlements were located in closed neighbourhoods.[27]
The impact of the earthquakes:[28]
The main obstacle confronting refugees in the earthquakes-affected region, especially in Hatay, is securing adequate housing.[29] While accommodation presents a significant challenge for all residents in the area, refugees encounter additional barriers in accessing suitable housing. Refugees must declare a formal address to maintain active identification cards, enabling them to access their rights and essential services. Failure to declare an address may result in inactive ID cards, leading to potential difficulties and obstacles for refugees in accessing necessary resources. For example, a Syrian family who was living in a heavily damaged building could find themselves in a situation where they could not access education or healthcare due to the restriction code identified in their IDs, as their address was removed from the system.[30] In some cases, they might not be aware of the situation. Syrians no longer want to go to the immigration office with the idea that a restriction code may have been defined for them without their awareness.[31] The fear drives people not to access services. Moreover, this might cause cuts in some aids such as ESSN and CCTE, which are very important resources to cover basic needs for many families.[32]
The other main accommodation types in the region are rental flats, informal tent camps, container settlements, and lastly Temporary Accommodation Centres. Before the earthquake, similar to the rest of Türkiye, Syrians, and other refugees were living in rental houses. Renting a flat, especially in the most affected areas, is almost impossible for refugees.[33] Closed neighbourhood practices, a scarcity of housing in the centres, and an increase in housing rents due to inflation exacerbate the situation. Tenants are often compelled to vacate their rented accommodations since landlords want to increase rents, sometimes more than the legal obligation, or want to move to these flats leading to forced evictions. Refugees hesitate to file complaints due to increased vulnerabilities and fear of being deported. Although registration has been reopened for five neighbourhoods in Hatay, these areas are not the ones usually preferred by refugees.[34]
In Şanlıurfa sometimes refugees continue living in moderately damaged buildings, leaving them in precarious conditions. Overall, the combination of these factors poses significant difficulties for refugees seeking to secure stable and affordable housing to rent in the aftermath of the earthquake. Sometimes, this situation leads them to find accommodation to rent in remote places which makes accessing to healthcare, education and employment very difficult for them.
Living in informal camps remains common among refugee groups at the time of writing this report. These camps often have substandard conditions, lacking access to basic necessities such as water and sanitation, and presenting security and privacy concerns, particularly for women and children[35]. Single women, feeling vulnerable, opt to remain invisible to avoid becoming targets of violence or abuse. Inadequate security measures, including insufficient lighting, contribute to an environment conducive to abuse, increasing cases of gender-based and domestic violence. While NGOs’ mobile teams effort to provide essential services in these informal tent settlements, the sudden removal of tents without prior notice makes it challenging for NGOs to track vulnerable cases effectively[36]. One of the most significant issues refugees face in informal tent areas is the lack of fixed addresses, consequently, refugees may encounter difficulties in maintaining active identification during their stay in these areas.
While residents of container cities may encounter similar problems, especially regarding security, the conditions are generally better than those in tents. Since the containers have been recently provided addresses, refugees can declare their addresses. The Bebek Köyü area in Adıyaman hosts refugees in container settlements, albeit far from the city center, raising concerns about isolation and vulnerability. Similarly, a camp area consisting of 3,182 containers was prepared for the settlement of refugees in the Üzümdalı neighbourhood of Antakya, located in a remote area of the city. Currently, this area is called Hilalkent, and the number of containers increased, and refugees living there. The containers in the area are office-type containers, consisting of a single compartment, lacking toilet and bathroom facilities. The lack of proper facilities in container settlements also adds to the discomfort experienced by refugees. In Hilalkent Hatay, they need to share the shower, toilets, and kitchen areas, which makes it very difficult especially for women to access the toilet or shower.
Hatay Branch of the Human Rights Association[37] reports the violation of rights in Hilal Kent, the container city area, from health to nutrition, from education to security, from the right to privacy to children’s rights. According to their estimation, there were approximately 3500 containers in total, 800 in Hilalkent1 container city and 2700 in Hilalkent2, which both located in Üzümdalı village, approximately 80% of these containers were in use. In 2024, challenges related to residing in container settlements continued in Hatay. In the Hilalkent settlement located in the Üzümdalı district, stakeholders raised concerns regarding protection risks. The living conditions of Syrian refugees were reportedly less favourable than those of Turkish citizens; for example, refugees were required to use shared bathroom facilities, raising serious privacy concerns—particularly regarding the separation of adult and child spaces. Reports indicated an increase in the number of incidents of child abuse. Gender-related disparities were also observed, with caregiving responsibilities predominantly falling on women. Although there were indications of increased violence against women, such cases remained largely underreported. Even when survivors secured protection measures against the perpetrators, enforcement remained weak, as perpetrators could easily re-enter the settlement, undermining the effectiveness of these interventions.[38]
Living in segregated areas, located in remote places leads to their isolation and creates a ground for being targeted. As a result, this deepens the feeling of otherness and makes it difficult to speak of well-being in such circumstances.[39] Lack of privacy and insufficient security cause increased cases of gender-based and domestic violence.
It is reported that living in tents in the earthquake zones exacerbates domestic violence, particularly for refugee women. These conditions worsen the situation for women experiencing violence, as they face continued assaults and threats even under restraining orders. Additionally, the lack of translation support, difficulty reaching the police, and challenges in accessing women’s shelters due to their migrant status and family circumstances further complicate their ability to seek safety and assistance.[40]
There is also an increase in child abuse incidents in earthquake-affected regions, with the exact number of affected children remaining undetermined. Early marriages were reported to be more common among refugees in these areas, particularly among young women and children who have lost their parents. The lack of data or statistics underscores the challenge of accurately assessing the scope of these issues.[41]
Additionally, efforts to segregate refugee and Turkish citizen living areas in tent/container cities indicate a concerning trend of anti-migrant sentiment. Limited mobility of women and children in camps further exacerbates the situation, as men often leave for work, leaving them confined due to safety concerns.[42] Moreover, inadequate private spaces in informal tent camps or container settlements pose challenges, particularly for women and children’s sanitation needs. Overall, these issues deepen the sense of otherness among refugees and make achieving well-being in such conditions challenging.
[1] Article 37(3) TPR, as amended by Regulation 2018/11208.
[2] Article 3 TPR.
[3] Article 121A LFIP, inserted by Article 71(e) Decree 703 of 9 July 2018.
[4] Article 24 as amended by Regulation 2019/30989.
[5] IOM Quarterly Report: Migrant Presence Monitoring Türkiye, Overview of the Situation with Migrants, 2023, available here.
[6] UNHCR, ‘Registration with the Turkish authorities’, last accessed 13 July 2023, available here
[7] PMM, ‘GEÇİCİ KORUMA’, 14 June 2024, available in Turkish at: https://bit.ly/3NSpvkG.
[8] PMM, Faaliyet Raporu 2024; PMM, Stratejik Plan 2024-2028.
[9] PMM, ‘GEÇİCİ KORUMA’, 14 June 2024, available in Turkish at: https://bit.ly/3NSpvkG.
[10] PMM, ‘GEÇİCİ KORUMA’, 14 June 2024, available in Turkish at: https://bit.ly/3NSpvkG.
[11] Hürriyet, ‘Meclis Göç ve Uyum Komisyonu Başkanı: Suriyeli Türkiye’den mülk alamıyor’, 7 October 2023, available here.
[12] Sunata, U., & Güngördü, F. N. (2024). (Non-state) actors in internal bordering and differential inclusion: Syrian refugees’ housing experience in Turkey. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 1–22. Available here.
[13] Akdemir Kurfalı, M., & Özçürümez, S. (2023). Residing without settling: Housing market and tactics of Syrian forced migrants in Turkey. Population, Space and Place, 29 (3), available here.
[14] Information provided by a stakeholder, May 2023.
[15] BBC Türkçe, Konut krizi: ‘Kiralar 4 yılda en az 6 kat arttı, yatırımcı uzaklaştı, bankalar kredi vermeye gönülsüz’, 5 June 2023, available here.
[16] Evrensel, Konut stoku arttı, kiracı sayısı 24 milyonu aştı, 19,05.2025, available here.
[17] Sputnik Türkiye, Suriyelilerin gidişi ardından etkilenecek ilçeleri tek tek açıkladı: ’20 bin TL’lik kiralar 13 bin TL’ye düşecek’, 12.12.2024, available here; T24, Gayrimenkul uzmanları: Suriyelilerin dönmesi konut piyasasını etkilemez, 11.12.2024, available here.
[18] Information provided by stakeholders, March – April 2024.
[19] Information provided by a stakeholder, May 2023.
[20] Information provided by a stakeholder, May 2023.
[21] Information provided by stakeholders, March – April 2024.
[22] Heinrich Böll Stiftung, Göçmen Mahallelerinde Yaşam: Türkiye’de 2010 Sonrası Göçler ve Göçmenlerin Toplumsal Katılımı, November 2023, available here.
[23] Information provided by stakeholders, March – April 2024.
[24] Information provided by multiple stakeholders, March 2025.
[25] Information provided by a stakeholder, June 2025.
[26] FAO. 2023. Geçici Koruma Altındaki Suriyeliler ve Ev Sahibi Topluluklardan Oluşan Mevsimlik Tarım İşçilerinin Karşılaştıkları Zorluklar Hakkında Genel Bir Değerlendirme, available here.
[27] Information provided by a stakeholder, February 2025.
[28] This section is based on the information from several resources: Kirkayak Kültür, February 2024, “We started from zero, we returned to zero again…”, available here & Türk Tabipleri Birliği & Sağlik ve Sosyal Hizmet Emekçileri Sendikasi Şubat 2023 Depremleri 1. Yil Raporu, 2024, available here & Information provided by stakeholders, March – April 2024 and Information provided by refugees in focus group discussions, April 2024.
[29] Information provided by stakeholders, March – April 2024 and refugees in a focus group discussion, April 2024.
[30] Information shared by a refugee in a focus group discussion, April 2024.
[31] Information shared by stakeholders, March – April 2024.
[32] Information shared by stakeholders, March – April 2024.
[33] Information provided by stakeholders, March – April 2024 and Information provided by refugees in focus group discussions, April 2024.
[34] Information shared by stakeholders, April 2024.
[35] Information provided by stakeholders, March – April 2024.
[36] Information provided by stakeholders, March – April 2024.
[37] IHD, March 2024, Hilalkent Konteyner Yaşam Alanındaki Hak İhlalleri Raporu, available here.
[38] Information provided by a stakeholder, March 2025
[39] Türk Tabipleri Birliği & Sağlik ve Sosyal Hizmet Emekçileri Sendikasi Şubat 2023 Depremleri 1. Yil Raporu, 2024, available here
[40] Gender Analysis in Earthquake Areas: Women’s Access to Justice and Legal Aid, Prof. Dr. Gülriz Uygur, available here.
[41] Ibid.
[42] Kirkayak Kültür, February 2024, “We started from zero, we returned to zero again…”, available here.